A research table spread with reports, charts, and a laptop showing nonpartisan data analysis in soft light

Research & Source Library

What the evidence supports—and what it does not

The case for One Term Only should be strong enough to survive contact with the strongest evidence against it. Here we separate measured findings from our interpretation, publish the limitations, and link every major factual claim to its source.

Our standard: source the claim, define its scope, publish its limitation, and show the strongest credible counterevidence.

Snapshot

Four numbers that describe the present system

The short version: serving in Congress is usually a long career that starts in another elected job, and it runs on a lot of money.

70%

of House members had previously held elected office

Almost 3 out of every 4 House members had already won some other election before this one.

82%

of senators had previously held elected office

More than 4 out of every 5 senators had already held an elected job somewhere else.

45

senators previously served in the House

Those years in the House are not counted in the Senate's average, so real careers are longer than they look.

$2.1B

raised by 2026 congressional candidates

That is money raised well before Election Day, reported in official federal filings.

These figures describe the present system. They do not, by themselves, prove that any individual officeholder is corrupt or that one-term service would produce better outcomes.

What the labels mean

Government records
A government report or official filing.
Reviewed by other researchers
Published only after independent experts checked the work.
Solid evidence
The finding is well supported and widely accepted.
Supports our case
The finding backs part of our argument.
Researchers disagree
Credible experts read this evidence differently.
Argues against us
Evidence that cuts against very short time in office.

Scope

The claim we can defend—and the claim we cannot

The short version: here is exactly what this evidence proves, and exactly what it does not. We would rather say it ourselves than have someone catch us overstating it.

Supported

Repeated political careers create recurring fundraising demands, accumulated donor and endorsement networks, party advancement incentives, institutional leverage, and relationships whose value grows with access and seniority. The research below documents those structures.

Not established

We have not found credible evidence establishing that every officeholder performs well in a first term and then immediately begins voting worse in a second term. Research on congressional voting is more complicated: positions may change in response to party, institutions, elections, redistricting, and constituency preferences; some studies find greater stability or less party-line voting with seniority.

One Term Only therefore rests on a structural-risk judgment—not a claim that every long-serving person becomes morally worse.

The evidence, part by part

What kind of evidence are you looking for?

The short version: pick the part you care about. Real broken promises, the research behind the argument, the case against us, or the full list of sources.

The evidence supports a cumulative-system argument: office can produce career opportunities; victory can create incumbency and financial advantages; fundraising can contribute to internal standing; institutional power and network position can attract additional resources; and relationships can retain economic value after office. The evidence also shows that turnover can disrupt some of those networks. It does not prove that every officeholder abuses the system or that one-term service is free of serious tradeoffs.

The evidence is published in full, counterevidence included.

Read as much of it as you want. If the case holds for you, adopt the rule.

Read the exact rule

Prefer to read it first? Read the full pledge before you sign.